Lipstick on a Pig: The Cambodian Parliamentary Election that Brought About An Illiberal Power Transition

Hun Sen, Former Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia (Wikimedia Commons)

The Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won the July general election in a landslide, allowing a swift and smooth transition of power from former Prime Minister Hun Sen to his oldest son, Hun Manet. 

Taking 120 of 125 seats in the lower house of parliament, the CPP obtained a supermajority of seats in the National Assembly, reinforcing its control of the legislative branch. Despite the party’s claim that the election was “held in a free, fair, transparent, inclusive and peaceful manner,” they have attracted much international criticism—including from U.S. officials and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights—for cracking down on opposition groups and compromising democratic principles. 

Throughout the past decade, Cambodia has experienced a dramatic transition from a multiparty democracy to a de facto one-party dictatorship. The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), an alliance between the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party, previously led opposition to Hun Sen’s government.,. Winning 44 percent of the vote in the 2013 general election and 43 percent in the 2017 commune elections, the CNRP was well on its way to challenging the CPP’s grip on Cambodia’s multiparty democracy until its leaders were bombarded with legal charges ahead of the 2018 parliamentary election.

CNRP co-founder Sam Rainsy has been in self-exile since 2015 to avoid arrest and political persecution, and CNRP ex-leader Kem Sokha was imprisoned in 2017, following accusations that the CNRP was plotting a coup to overthrow then-Prime Minister Hun Sen with the assistance of the United States. 

Human Rights Watch and other rights organizations have criticized the charges against the CNRP as politically motivated, arguing that the ruling CPP is influencing the high court. The Cambodian Supreme Court is headed by Dith Munty, a member of the ruling party’s permanent committee. Under Munty’s 24 years of leadership, the court has repeatedly ruled against opposition groups and leaders. A vaguely defined law that makes criticizing judicial decisions a criminal offense has deterred the public from voicing its disapproval.

In 2017, the high court headed by Mounty forced the dissolution of the CNRP and banned 118 of its leaders from politics for five years. July’s parliamentary election was the first after the five-year ban expired. Yet, the CNRP was again barred from running on technical grounds. Another prospective opposition force, the Candlelight Party, was disqualified from the race for failing to provide “necessary documents.” 

This August, 8.2 million Cambodians cast their ballots. In total, 17 political parties ran against the CPP, but none of these challengers presented a meaningful roadblock to the CPP, who won a whopping 96 percent of available parliamentary seats this year. Many of the Cambodian parliament’s new members are Hun Sen’s children or relatives, effectively consolidating one-party rule by the CPP. 

With absolute domination over the legislative branch, the CPP swiftly administered the transition of power from its former leader, Hun Sen, to his eldest son, Hun Manet, in August. Hun Sen, 70, had served as Prime Minister for 38 years, making him the world’s longest-serving prime minister. Hun Manet, 45, has served as Cambodia's army chief and a newly-elected member of parliament. 

Astrid Norén-Nilsson, a Cambodia expert at Sweden’s Lund University observed that “The generational transition is designed to keep the power of the political-cum-business elite intact and perpetuate neopatrimonial arrangements.” 

Usually, a switch in a state’s governing administration signals new opportunities and ideas. Yet, among political circles and international observers, few are optimistic that the new Cambodian leadership will provide a breath of fresh air. Just one month after assuming office, in his first official trip as Prime Minister, Hun Manet has already followed in his father’s footsteps and engaged in diplomatic efforts with China, deepening economic ties between the two countries. 

With China remaining a strong ally, Cambodian officials have shrugged off 2019 U.S. sanctions on high-ranking officials and 2020 EU trade sanctions.

Despite mounting criticism and worry in the international community, sentiments on Cambodian ground are mixed. DW News reporters interviewed Cambodian voters, who shared some positive, though limited, aspirations for the new government. 

One woman said, “I hope that Hun Manet will improve our livelihood.” Another hoped he would reduce corruption at the grassroots. A mother of a young child commented, “I hope the new government will improve the health care system. They will also need to improve the education system and bring down the price for studying.”

International observers consider the recent Cambodian Parliamentary election a chilling reminder of democratic backsliding in Southeast Asia as the ruling party increasingly suppresses opposition and free speech. Though Cambodia’s economy and quality of life are steadily improving, deeply entrenched corruption, systematic violence, and unequal access to healthcare and education remain major problems.

Despite the wishes of some citizens, there is little indication that the new generation of legislative leaders will be a revolutionary force that brings the reforms the country needs.